The interaction between movement and ellipsis in the comparative construction in English*

The purpose of this paper is to examine the comparative construction in English and investigate into the interaction between movement and ellipsis. In particular, we argue that the comparative clause must undergo the rightwards movement of extraposition to form a coordinate-like structure with the main clause to feed the ellipsis operation of Gapping, Stripping and Pseudogapping inside the former clause. It is to be demonstrated that structural parallelism formed at overt syntax by extraposition persists at covert syntax, which brings about the effect of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This makes it impossible to apply covert movement (QR) to the implicit degree expressions within the comparative clause involving these ellipsis processes. It is to be shown that the VP Ellipsis-applied or non-elided comparative clauses, in contrast, are not required to be extraposed, which is responsible for the different scope interpretation of the implicit degree expressions within these clauses.